Suppose that
the awful truth is that federal statutes sometimes just aren't written very
well. The drafters (legislators, staff members, lobbyists, administration
officials or others) choose their words poorly, not as part of some devious
political scheme but just by mistake. What should courts do when they're called
upon to interpret and apply the resulting laws?
Here's a
recent example, the subject of the Supreme Court’s decision in Kirtsaeng v. John Wiley & Sons (No.
11-697, decided March 19, 2013). Mr. Kirtsaeng, a Thai, went to graduate school
at Cornell. While he studied here, he “asked his friends and family in Thailand
to buy copies of foreign edition English-language textbooks at Thai book shops,
where they sold at low prices, and mail them to him in the United States,”
where Kirtsaeng was able to resell them at higher prices. John Wiley & Sons
sued Kirtsaeng for having sold eight of its copyrighted books, and won a
judgment against him for $600,000 ($75,000 for each book). (That sum seems somewhat less
oppressive if seen in light of the 600 John Wiley volumes that Kirtsaeng apparently
imported – but it’s still the kind of number that gives enforcers of
intellectual property rights a bad name.)
Here are the
statutory provisions (as described by the Supreme Court – I’m not a copyright
lawyer!) that were directly in play.
First, as a general proposition a copyright-holder has the exclusive right to publish a book and offer it for sale. That’s in 17 U.S.C. § 106(3).
Second, a
publisher has a right to sell books outside the US and bar their importation
into the US. That’s in 17 U.S.C. § 602(a)(1), which provides:
Importation
into the United States, without the authority of the owner of copyright under
this title, of copies … of a work that have been acquired outside the United
States is an infringement of the exclusive right to distribute copies … under
section 106 ….
Third, the
Supreme Court decided in an earlier case that the section 602(a)(1) right to
bar importation only protects (as section 602(a)(1)) itself puts it) “the
exclusive right to distribute copies … under section 106(3).” So if an
importation wouldn’t violate that exclusive right to publish a book and offer
it for sale, then it wouldn’t be illegal.
Fourth, the
section 106(3) exclusive right to publish is subject to an exception, called
the “first sale” doctrine. This doctrine says, essentially, that the publisher’s
exclusive right is exhausted once someone buys the book. So, for example, if I
purchase a John Wiley textbook, I’m free to re-sell it later on.
If the “first
sale” exception applies to books sold abroad, then the importation limit in
section 602(a)(1) loses much if not all of its force – the only books that
couldn’t be imported back into the US (and here sold at less than the price for
the US editions) would be those that the importer acquired by some method other
than purchase.
So: does the
“first sale” exception apply to books published abroad, or does it only apply
to books published and sold in the US? Here’s the language of the “first sale”
provision, 17 U.S.C. § 109(a):
Notwithstanding
the provisions of section 106(3), the owner of a particular copy or phonorecord
lawfully made under this title … is entitled, without the authority of the
copyright owner, to sell or otherwise dispose of the possession of that copy or
phonorecord.
Clearly
section 109(a) does not say that the
first sale exception applies only to books published and sold in the US. But
does it mean that?
You can see
how mistakes could get made in answering questions like these. These texts are
difficult, complicated documents with lots of moving parts. They're also being
subjected to analysis by a lot of readers, many of them looking for flaws or
loopholes and eager to exploit them. I write exams that 100 students take, and
almost always I learn things about what I've written from what the students
argue. Statutes can get a lot more readers, with a lot more time and
experience, scrutinizing their possible meanings.
So, again,
mistakes are not surprising. They're not even necessarily proof of
carelessness. So what should courts do with them?
There's an old
answer to this question, from what was called the Legal Process school. These
writers argued that courts were engaged in the broad process of governance just
as legislatures and presidents are. As a general proposition, therefore, courts
should seek to contribute constructively and cooperatively to this process, and
should assume that lawmakers are reasonable people pursuing reasonable purposes
reasonably. Concretely, they should try to read statutes so as to minimize the
impact of legislators’ mistakes and imprecisions.
But there is
another possible answer. This one says that the task of courts is to enforce
the rules of the constitutional structure. According to those rules, the words
enacted into law are the law, and the interpretive question isn't what they
were intended to mean but what they in fact say. If what Congress said was
ill-chosen (and even if the choice was inadvertent, and not motivated by some
covert political calculation, as these interpreters often suspect), then
Congress can amend it - but the courts won't do Congress a favor by pretending
the law says something it doesn't.
There is some
force to both of these views. I like the idea of courts as part of a shared
process of governance, but I certainly wouldn't want courts helping out with
government acts of oppression - and there must be some limit on cooperativeness
set by the principle of "separation of powers." On the other hand,
for me the claim that the text must mean only what it says is less persuasive -
among other reasons, since often what it says is unclear. But if the text
doesn't have any real grip, then it's
not there for us when we need it - for instance, to say that a statute
prohibiting torture really does outlaw torture.
So the
question is what to do with these somewhat conflicting intuitions. If both have
some measure of truth to them, a natural response would be to take both into
account. Very broadly speaking, I think that's what all or almost all of the
justices of the Supreme Court mean to do. Moreover, as I’ve said on this blog
before, I think the ardor of past battles over interpretive theory has somewhat
cooled; the opinions I read feature little grand debate about interpretive
principles, though a lot of vigorous employment of interpretive tools to
vindicate conflicting readings of the law. But after some decades of struggle
by the advocates of textualism - who also seem frequently to be conservatives
skeptical of liberal "big government" – I think we've arrived at an unfortunate point on the
interpretive spectrum.
The location
of that point is illustrated by the Supreme Court’s decision about the
copyright statute in Kirtsaeng. The
majority argues that the statute's "first sale" provision has no
geographic limitation stated – an observation that is completely correct. It
also marshals quite an array of statutory interpretation arguments to support
its conclusion that no geographical limitation should be inferred. For example,
it sees an array of practical problems involving “libraries, used-book dealers,
technology companies, consumer-goods retailers and museums,” and argues that these
problems “are too serious, too extensive, and too likely to come about for us
to dismiss them as insignificant – particularly in light of the ever-growing
importance of foreign trade to America.”
Suppose (as
indeed may be the case) that just as a matter of putting together the lessons
of the various tools of statutory interpretation now used by courts, the
majority’s reading is more persuasive than the contrary position of the
dissent. Maybe the end result is unfortunate – perhaps US publishers do need to
be able to block importation and resale of lower-priced editions marketed
abroad – but if that’s so then it’s up to Congress to fix the problem.
Now that may
be good or bad - and it certainly is supported by close and ingenious statutory
interpretation. Moreover, the author of the majority decision, Justice Breyer, is far from a rigid textualist. Still, it's not until we reach Justice Ginsburg's dissent that we learn that apparently the US has over two decades or more steadfastly
argued in international negotiations that publishers should have exactly this
power, and we've successfully insisted on treaty language steering clear of
addressing this issue, despite the desire of many countries to eliminate such
power. The majority says that Ginsburg’s evidence about our stance in these
decades of international negotiations – evidence which it doesn’t do much to
refute – shows “nothing indicative of congressional intent in 1976,” when the current
“first sale” statutory language was adopted. But really – is it likely that
we've spent all this effort on this point, when meanwhile our own law long
since took this power away from publishers?
It seems to me,
in other words, that here the Supreme Court has followed the body of
interpretive tools to a conclusion that just misses reality. And “missing
reality” strikes me as an unfortunate interpretive stance!
No comments:
Post a Comment